István Kapitány, one of Shell’s global executive vice presidents, has stormed into Hungarian politics with enormous energy, right at the peak of the campaign season. He has put a 37-year multinational career and a carefully built international reputation on the table for what he sees as a higher calling: securing victory for the Tisza Party. And it seems even the party’s leader has begun to realise that a long-running one-man show may no longer be enough.
The European tobacco industry stands at a crossroads. On the one hand, it continues to provide governments with a stable and predictable revenue stream—second only to income tax in Germany, and accounting for up to 5 per cent of annual budgets in countries such as Romania and Poland. On the other, the industry faces mounting political exclusion, regulatory mistrust, and a growing push for prohibitionist approaches that risk undermining both innovation and consumer choice.
From Brussels to Berlin, Europe’s liberal parties are struggling to define their role in an increasingly fragmented political landscape. Once the kingmakers of the European Parliament, they now find themselves relegated to the fifth-largest group, unable to balance left and right as they once did.
“In international politics, we Hungarians are the only ones who have consistently said the same things as Trump since 2010. That’s why, in America, they see us as having been ‘Trump before Trump,’” said Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in a December 2024 interview. There are many reasons to criticize Orbán, but he was not wrong in this statement. While Hungarian and American politics are not identical – given their vastly different historical, cultural, religious, and economic contexts – the form of global populism that Orbán himself calls “illiberalism” was pioneered by him in the Western world. And it began in 2010.
The 2024 US elections have exposed enduring weaknesses and critical oversights in the approaches taken by the left worldwide, traditional media, and political strategists. In an era where populism continues to rise, trust in institutions declines, and social media shapes public discourse, the election results underscore the urgent need for strategic recalibration. Not for democrats, but for the American democracy.
This week, I had the opportunity to get a closer look at the excitement surrounding the American presidential election. As much as possible, I have been following events from this side of the Atlantic from a respectful distance. So far, I’ve mostly considered the prospects for cooperation with potential winners from the EU’s perspective, especially regarding the candidates’ stances on the war in Ukraine and any anticipated changes in their positions.
The first time I went to Moldova it was by accident. Spending my summer vacation with some friends in Romania, we planned to visit the Eastern part of the country – Moldavia. While English, and my native Hungarian, make a clear distinction between Moldova and Moldavia, the Romanian language does not. Both are Moldova – the region, and the country, too. That’s how I ended up in Moldova instead of Moldavia after a two-hour-long wait at the Sculeni border crossing, the main entry point to the Republic of Moldova from Romania.
Yesterday, the European Parliament discussed the role of cities and regions and the potential for regional development within the EU. The debate attracted relatively little interest, as many representatives were either absent or not engaged in the topic. Yet, this was one of the most critical discussions to shape the next cycle fundamentally. Primarily, Spanish representatives were active, focusing on three main elements.
It is just natural that time to time we tend to think about the quality of our Western democracies, especially in a period when several crisis hit our social structures. As democracy is a system that indeed needs constant work to be maintained, it is not surprising that we are evaluating regularly if it is functioning properly.
Living as an expat in Brussels is one of the most exciting ways to experience life. Part of this excitement comes from the fact that 35% of Brussels’ population, roughly 400,000 people, are not Belgian citizens. Of these, 220,000 are considered expats—highly qualified, well-paid individuals working for international organizations. In this highly livable city, characterized by vast green spaces and a vibrant cultural scene, around 180 nationalities speaking over 100 languages mix.
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